I’ve been mulling over President Bush’s second Inaugural Address for a while now. Peggy Noonan panned the speech, calling it an example of “mission inebriation.” I understand Noonan’s concerns, and others have mirrored them.
However, after letting this speech stew for a while, I’m coming to the conclusion that Bush’s speech will be remembered by history as a turning point. I think the President understands the nature of this war better than most anyone, and I think in the long run is he right. When he makes this statement, he demonstrates this understanding:
We are led, by events and common sense, to one conclusion: The survival of liberty in our land increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands. The best hope for peace in our world is the expansion of freedom in all the world.
The only way we can win in this “war on terror” (a term that should be more accurately called a “war on Islamofascism”) is by discrediting the ideologies that underpin the Islamofascist movement. Arguing that because Islamofascism is a religious ideology and not centered around one nation makes it somehow impossible to defeat is an idea that is both deeply defeated and morally unacceptable. The idea that we can just live and let live with such an ideology is unacceptable — not only for our future, but the future of the Middle East. President Bush understands this — which leads is to this calling:
So it is the policy of the United States to seek and support the growth of democratic movements and institutions in every nation and culture, with the ultimate goal of ending tyranny in our world.
This is not primarily the task of arms, though we will defend ourselves and our friends by force of arms when necessary. Freedom, by its nature, must be chosen, and defended by citizens, and sustained by the rule of law and the protection of minorities. And when the soul of a nation finally speaks, the institutions that arise may reflect customs and traditions very different from our own. America will not impose our own style of government on the unwilling. Our goal instead is to help others find their own voice, attain their own freedom, and make their own way.
The great objective of ending tyranny is the concentrated work of generations. The difficulty of the task is no excuse for avoiding it. America’s influence is not unlimited, but fortunately for the oppressed, America’s influence is considerable, and we will use it confidently in freedom’s cause.
As a statement of policy, this is one of the most bold in American history. I’m convinced that the Bush Doctrine will be considered the same as the Monroe Doctrine or the theory of containment, or any of the other major geopolitical imperatives in American history. If Bush stands true to his word (which is a big if), it will be a shift in policy that will have major historical implications. Yet if there is one thing we should all know about President Bush by now it’s that he sticks to his guns and doesn’t give up — which means that every word in this address he means.
My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its people against further attacks and emerging threats. Some have unwisely chosen to test America’s resolve, and have found it firm.
We will persistently clarify the choice before every ruler and every nation: The moral choice between oppression, which is always wrong, and freedom, which is eternally right. America will not pretend that jailed dissidents prefer their chains, or that women welcome humiliation and servitude, or that any human being aspires to live at the mercy of bullies.
This line is important. Liberty is not a Western concept, it is rooted in the very nature of human rights. If the very term “human rights” have any meaning, they must be universal. We cannot simple cast off an entire culture as being permanently stuck in the 14th Century just because they are different from us. If human rights have any meaning, then enforcing them cannot be “imperialism” elsewise we admit that the very concept of universal human rights is meaningless and we’re back into a Hobbesian state of nature.
We will encourage reform in other governments by making clear that success in our relations will require the decent treatment of their own people. America’s belief in human dignity will guide our policies, yet rights must be more than the grudging concessions of dictators; they are secured by free dissent and the participation of the governed. In the long run, there is no justice without freedom, and there can be no human rights without human liberty.
Some, I know, have questioned the global appeal of liberty — though this time in history, four decades defined by the swiftest advance of freedom ever seen, is an odd time for doubt. Americans, of all people, should never be surprised by the power of our ideals. Eventually, the call of freedom comes to every mind and every soul. We do not accept the existence of permanent tyranny because we do not accept the possibility of permanent slavery. Liberty will come to those who love it.
Today, America speaks anew to the peoples of the world:
All who live in tyranny and hopelessness can know: the United States will not ignore your oppression, or excuse your oppressors. When you stand for your liberty, we will stand with you.
Democratic reformers facing repression, prison, or exile can know: America sees you for who you are: the future leaders of your free country.
The rulers of outlaw regimes can know that we still believe as Abraham Lincoln did: “Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it.”
The leaders of governments with long habits of control need to know: To serve your people you must learn to trust them. Start on this journey of progress and justice, and America will walk at your side.
And all the allies of the United States can know: we honor your friendship, we rely on your counsel, and we depend on your help. Division among free nations is a primary goal of freedom’s enemies. The concerted effort of free nations to promote democracy is a prelude to our enemies’ defeat.
I can understand why some see this as a bold statement — for it is. At the same time, it is the right statement. If we are to win this war, if we are to never again see 3,000 of our own people murdered, if we are to end the systematic brutalization of women, if we are to bequeath to the next generation a safer world, we must stand by our vision of democracy.
Do we wish to just live with the scourge of a regime that divides the world into Dar al-Islam and Dar al-Harb? Do we dare accept the concept that some must live as the masters and others as the slaves, merely because their skin is darker than ours and their culture different? Do we accept that those who would murder every one of us have the right to do so or do we continue to fight for the values that have defined this nation. There is no doubt which course that President Bush would have us take. As he states:
We go forward with complete confidence in the eventual triumph of freedom. Not because history runs on the wheels of inevitability; it is human choices that move events. Not because we consider ourselves a chosen nation; God moves and chooses as He wills. We have confidence because freedom is the permanent hope of mankind, the hunger in dark places, the longing of the soul. When our Founders declared a new order of the ages; when soldiers died in wave upon wave for a union based on liberty; when citizens marched in peaceful outrage under the banner “Freedom Now” — they were acting on an ancient hope that is meant to be fulfilled. History has an ebb and flow of justice, but history also has a visible direction, set by liberty and the Author of Liberty.
When the Declaration of Independence was first read in public and the Liberty Bell was sounded in celebration, a witness said, “It rang as if it meant something.” In our time it means something still. America, in this young century, proclaims liberty throughout all the world, and to all the inhabitants thereof. Renewed in our strength — tested, but not weary — we are ready for the greatest achievements in the history of freedom.
May God bless you, and may He watch over the United States of America.
Peggy Noonan thinks that these words are over-wrought and overtly idealistic. To a certain sense they are. Yet they are also important. No, we cannot eradicate all tyranny in the next four years. However, we can firmly place ourselves against it and do what we pragmatically can. We may stand for democracy, but we would be fools to demand that Pakistan hold democratic elections tomorrow, knowing that the results could spark a nuclear war with India.
At the same time, I have the feeling that this speech will become one of the most important of Bush’s Presidency, and one that will be studied and debated for a long time. One can argue that in many ways this wasn’t a conservative speech, but a revolutionary one. Yet Bush roots it firmly in the values that defined this nation and the values of the Enlightenment that informed them. In the end, Bush has set an ambitious and bold new course for this nation. History will judge him by how well he sticks to this course. Given what this nation has acccompished, I still maintain that history will be a far more amiable judge of President Bush’s tenor than the short-sightedness and virtriol displayed by many of his detractors.
I thought it was a great speech, but I’ll quibble with you on this:
“Yet if there is one thing we should all know about President Bush by now it’s that he sticks to his guns and doesn’t give up — which means that every word in this address he means.”
‘My most solemn duty is to protect this nation and its
people against further attacks and emerging threats.’
When he gets serious about illegal immigation, then I’ll believe that.